PALLAI Secret LTTE camp? HAVE WE LEARNT LESSONS FROM EASTER SUNDAY?

 

 

Have we actually learnt the lesson of Easter Sunday? A serious allegation has been made about an alleged LTTE-related facility in the Pallai/Akkarayankulam area. But there is a more immediate question than whether the allegation is true: WHAT DID THE STATE ALREADY KNOW BEFORE THIS ALLEGATION WAS MADE PUBLIC? Because according to the information now emerging, this was not a site that authorities discovered for the first time on 14 August 2026. There had already been: complaints → legal action → forest clearing investigations → site intervention → STF deployment → confrontation → warning shots → 9 arrests → court proceedings. And yet, after all this, urgency arose only after a public allegation that the site could have an LTTE connection and possibly involve training or bomb manufacture. So, what did the authorities know — and what did they do with what they knew before this public announcement?

 

FIRST: LET US SEPARATE FACTS FROM ALLEGATIONS

WHAT HAS ALREADY RESULTED IN OFFICIAL ACTION?

• Complaints concerning activity in the area;
• legal proceedings concerning alleged illegal forest activity;
• intervention by Forest officials;
• STF involvement on 24 July;
• confrontation at the site;
• reported warning shots;
• arrest of nine persons;
• seizure of a JCB;
• production of suspects before the Kilinochchi Magistrate’s Court.

 

WHAT REMAINS AN ALLEGATION REQUIRING PROOF?

• An LTTE training facility;
• a bomb-manufacturing facility;
• 100–150 workers;
• foreign involvement;
• connections to senior government officials;
• threats against the Forest officer and his wife;
• the exact extent of land cleared;
• the purpose of the three-storey building.
• Illegal forest clearing.
• Illegal construction.
• An LTTE connection is a national-security issue.
• A bomb-manufacturing allegation is a terrorism issue.

 

Each must be established by evidence.

 

WHAT HAS BEEN ALLEGED?

On 14 August 2026, Dr. Sangeeth Jayasekera, identifying himself as Executive Director of the International/Intercontinental Human Rights Commission, made serious allegations concerning activity in the Pallai/Akkarayankulam area.

These are allegations. They require investigation and verification — not automatic acceptance and not automatic dismissal.

 

The important point is this: Jayasekera says he possesses information. The public therefore has a legitimate right to ask whether that information was provided to the State — and, if so, what the State did with it.

As in Easter Sunday – the Sufis too provided files and even complaints with both IGP and AG’s department in 2017.

 

He claimed:

• approximately 49 acres of government forest/reserve landhad been cleared;
• a three-storey buildingwas being constructed;
• the construction allegedly lacked required government/local-authority approvals;
• approximately 100–150 peoplewere allegedly coming to work at the site;
• the site could potentially be intended as an LTTE training camp;
• it could potentially be used as a bomb-manufacturing facility;
• the project allegedly had connections to senior government officials;
• he suspected foreign assistancewas involved;

 

Forest officials had taken legal action;

• the Forest officer involved and his wife had allegedly received death threats;
• he had written to the President, Defence Secretary and Public Security Minister; stating he possessed information concerning the matter.
• claims must be tested against evidence & should not be dismissed.

 

The location of the site is Akkarayankulam Forest Reserve. Authorities were aware of the issue before the 14^th August public allegation.

February–July 2026 – several legal actions against the illegal activity in the area.

• possession of unlawfully obtained timber;
• unauthorised forest clearing;
• removal/production of timber;
• further clearing in March;
• additional clearing in July.

 

NEXTER FARM

It has been reported that the site was being operated under the name “Nexter Farm”, with agricultural activity reportedly given as the stated purpose, including aloe vera cultivation.

If this is a legitimate agricultural project, the State should be able to establish:

• Who owns or operates Nexter Farm?
• Who owns the land?
• What land was legally allocated or leased?
• What agricultural activity was approved?
• How many acres were approved?
• Was forest clearing authorised?
• Was construction authorised?
• Was the three-storey building approved?
• Were environmental approvals required and obtained?
• Was water extraction/supply legally authorised?
• Were foreign parties or foreign funds involved?

If it is a legitimate agricultural project, the documentary trail should establish this.

If it was not operating within the approvals granted, the State must establish exactly what occurred.

 

49 ACRES OR 30+ ACRES – ACTUAL FIGURE?

Jayasekera claims approximately 49 acres had been illegally cleared.

Another youtube program claims more than 30 acres had been illegally cleared.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AkuoQqGSZtw&t=57s

 

Therefore:

Are both referring to the same area – what is the exact area that has been illegally  and are they both referring to the same area or 2 separate areas?

 

The exact location and extent must be established through:

Forest Department records;

survey plans;

satellite imagery;

land permits;

court records;

GPS coordinates;

construction approvals.

 

 

24 JULY OPERATION

Forest officials and STF personnel went to the site and ordered that the activity be stopped.

A confrontation reportedly developed.

The STF intervened.

Warning shots were reportedly fired into the air.

Nine people were arrested.

The suspects were subsequently produced before the Kilinochchi Magistrate’s Court.

They were remanded and later released on bail.

The next court date was stated in the programme as 18 August 2026.

 

THE FIRST MAJOR QUESTION

If the authorities had already:

• received complaints,
• filed cases,
• investigated illegal clearing,
• visited the location,
• deployed the STF,
• encountered resistance,
• arrested nine people,
• seized a JCB,
• and brought suspects before court,

WHAT DID THE AUTHORITIES ALREADY KNOW ABOUT THIS SITE BEFORE 14 AUGUST?

And:

WHAT WAS THEIR CONCLUSIONS?

 

WHAT IS THE SITE ACTUALLY BEING USED FOR?

Jayasekera alleges – Possible LTTE training facility / bomb-manufacturing facility.

While another version claims it to be an agricultural project.

If it is a valid project why were proper legal frameworks and approvals not applied in particular if it involved a foreign party?

Moreover, for an agricultural project was water approvals and supply legally obtained?

 

More importantly, what evidence exists for the LTTE allegation that was not uncovered during the earlier investigation?

 

WHAT DOES JAYASEKERA KNOW THAT INVESTIGATORS DID NOT?

If Dr. Jayasekera says he possesses information/evidence concerning an LTTE connection, then:

What exactly is that evidence?

Does it consist of:

photographs?

• documents?
• names?
• communications?
• financial records?
• eyewitness testimony?
• intelligence information?
• information concerning individuals?
• information concerning the building?
• information concerning the alleged 100–150 workers?
• information concerning explosives?
• information concerning training?

And:

Was this information provided to the authorities before the 14 August press conference?

If he wrote to the President, Defence Secretary and Public Security Minister:

• When were those letters received?
• Were they referred to Police?
• Were they referred to TID?
• Were they referred to CID?
• Were they referred to SIS or Defence Intelligence?
• What instructions followed?

 

The issue cannot be a replica of Easter Sunday circulars that were sent but no authority took proper action.

 

WHY IS CID TID NOW INVOLVED?

Dr. Jayasekera is said to have been summoned by the Terrorism Investigation Division to provide a statement.

Is TID investigating the alleged LTTE connection, investigating the source of the information, or simply recording Jayasekera’s statement?

What is the role CID is playing?

The public deserves to know the distinction.

 

THE JULY STF OPERATION MUST BE EXPLAINED

To the STF:

Why was the STF called?

What information did it receive?

Who requested STF intervention?

What did STF personnel observe?

Why did the confrontation occur?

Why were warning shots fired?

Were weapons found?

Were explosives found?

Were bomb-making materials found?

Were suspicious documents found?

Were communications devices seized?

What happened to the seized material?

Was an intelligence report prepared?

Was that report sent to TID?

Was it sent to CID?

Was it sent to SIS?

Was it sent to Defence Intelligence?

And the critical question:

Did the STF operation reveal anything that required a national-security investigation?

 

WHAT ABOUT THE NINE ARRESTED PERSONS?

The public needs to know:

Why were these nine people arrested?

Who are they – were foreigners amongst them?

What offences were alleged?

What evidence supported the arrests?

Were they questioned about the purpose of the site?

Were their identities verified?

Were their backgrounds checked?

Were their phones/devices examined?

Were their financial connections examined?

Were any links to former LTTE networks identified?

Were any links to extremist organisations identified?

Were they screened by TID?

Were they screened by intelligence agencies?

 

THE FOREST OFFICER QUESTION

Jayasekera has raised another serious issue: alleged death threats against the Forest officer who took legal action.

Was a death threat reported to Police?

When?

Was an investigation opened?

Who was identified as the alleged source of the threat?

Was the Forest officer or his wife provided protection?

Was the threat connected merely to the land dispute, or was there evidence of an organised intimidation operation?

Why was a Forest officer allegedly able to face such intimidation while carrying out State duties?

 

If a State officer was threatened while performing his official duty, what protection and investigative response did the State provide? He cannot become another Tasleem from Easter Sunday!

 

EASTER SUNDAY CONNECTION

Before Easter Sunday, Sri Lanka had numerous pieces of information concerning:

Zaharan Hashim;

NTJ;

extremist activity;

weapons;

explosives;

radicalisation;

intelligence warnings;

investigations;

arrests;

foreign intelligence;

even discovery of 100kg explosives by CID

and other warning indicators.

 

The tragedy was not simply that information did not exist.

Information held by different people and agencies failed to become effective preventive action?

The same case cannot be repeated.

We know how LTTE emerged & how that terror lasted 30 years & caused the sacrifices of gallant men & women.

 

THE QUESTION PALLAI NOW PUTS TO THE STATE

Today, we have a different set of information:

Forest complaints

↓

Multiple cases

↓

Illegal clearing

↓

Construction

↓

STF intervention

↓

Confrontation

↓

Warning shots

↓

Nine arrests

↓

Court proceedings

↓

Public allegation of LTTE connection

↓

TID seeking further information

 

WHO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR CONNECTING ALL THESE PIECES and taking ACTION?

 

THIS IS THE SAME INFORMATION-TO-ACTION TEST THAT EASTER EXPOSED FAILURE

 

Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate that it now has a functioning chain that has learnt lessons:

INFORMATION

Who received it?

↓

RECORDING

Was it formally recorded?

↓

VERIFICATION

Was it independently checked?

↓

CROSS-CHECKING

Was it compared with existing intelligence?

↓

INFORMATION SHARING

Which agencies were informed & coordinating action?

↓

RISK ASSESSMENT

Was a security assessment made?

↓

ACTION

What action was ordered?

↓

FOLLOW-UP

Who ensured the action was completed?

↓

REVIEW

Who checked whether the threat had actually been eliminated?

 

The question is not whether Sri Lanka has enough agencies.

The question is whether those agencies now function as one connected security system when a potential threat emerges.

 

What investigative and inter-agency failures identified in the Easter Sunday investigations have been corrected?

To CID:

How are terrorism-related leads now escalated?

How does CID cross-reference cases with intelligence?

How does CID obtain information from SIS/DMI & other intel units?

How are incomplete investigations reviewed?

Who is responsible when an investigative lead is not followed up?

How are suspicious discoveries linked to existing terrorism investigations?

Is there a mandatory mechanism for cross-agency intelligence correlation?

What role does AG play & when & who will oversee if files given are not neglected.

 

THE WANATHAWILLUWA QUESTION

Before Easter Sunday, the discovery of a significant quantity of explosives and arrest of suspects who admitted being trained as suicide bombers at Wanathawilluwa should have triggered questions about:

• who else were involved and led to their arrest after a national emergency alert.

 

What did CID do with the intelligence generated from Wanathawilluwa?

Was it cross-referenced with information already held on Zaharan and NTJ?

 

If suspicious activity is discovered today in Pallai, is there now a mandatory mechanism to ensure that the information is tested against all existing national-security intelligence?

 

THE FOUR POSSIBLE OUTCOMES OF PALLAI

IF THE LTTE ALLEGATION IS PROVEN:

How did such an operation develop without being detected by the security apparatus earlier?

IF THE ALLEGATION IS PARTLY TRUE:

Which warning signs were missed, and by which agency?

 

IF THE ALLEGATION IS FALSE:

Why was such a serious allegation made, what evidence supported it, and was false information deliberately circulated?

 

IF THE EVIDENCE REMAINS INCONCLUSIVE:

Who is responsible for completing the investigation and determining the facts?

In every scenario, the State has an accountability obligation.

 

THE PRESIDENT MUST ANSWER

The President, Defence Ministry, Police, CID, TID, STF and intelligence authorities should answer one overarching question:

 

AFTER EASTER SUNDAY, WHAT EXACTLY CHANGED IN?

intelligence sharing?

investigation?

inter-agency coordination?

threat assessment?

follow-up?

accountability?

escalation of warnings?

Because Sri Lanka cannot afford another system in which every govt that comes into power has to restart investigations searching for elusive “masterminds”:

one agency has one piece of information,

another agency has another,

a third agency has another,

but nobody connects them until after the damage is done.

 

THE PALLAI TEST

We demand that the allegations must be

INVESTIGATED

VERIFIED.

CONNECTED TO OTHER INFORMATION.

And establish:

What was known?

When was it known?

Who knew?

Who investigated?

What did they find?

What evidence was ruled out?

What evidence remains outstanding?

Which agency is responsible now?

THE QUESTION SRI LANKA SHOULD NOT HAVE TO ASK AGAIN

Easter Sunday taught Sri Lanka the devastating cost of failing to connect & ignoring warning signs.

The Pallai incident should therefore become a test of whether that lesson has actually been learned.

Sri Lanka does not need more agencies merely collecting information.

Sri Lanka needs a system that connects information, investigates it, acts on verified threats and holds someone accountable when a warning is ignored.

 

HAVE WE FIXED THE SYSTEM THAT FAILED BEFORE EASTER SUNDAY — OR ARE WE STILL WAITING FOR THE NEXT WARNING TO PROVE THAT WE HAVE NOT?

 

Sri Lanka cannot become known as a Nation that gives death sentences for negligence from President downwards!

 

Have we built a system that can distinguish between legitimate civilian activity and a genuine security threat?

 

Can intelligence from a Forest officer, a villager, Police, STF, CID, TID, SIS or Defence Intelligence be connected?

 

Can suspicious activity be investigated before it becomes a national-security crisis?

 

And can the Government demonstrate that decisions to reduce military personnel, surveillance cameras, intelligence coverage or security infrastructure are based on independently assessed threat levels—not simply on political or external pressure?

 

Because the ultimate duty of the State is neither to satisfy an international organisation nor to satisfy a domestic political constituency.

 

THE STATE’S FIRST DUTY IS TO PROTECT THE LIFE, SECURITY AND RIGHTS OF ITS CITIZENS.

And Pallai should now be used to test whether the machinery of the State is actually capable of doing that when military camps & military personnel are reduced and illegal acts that may result in terror activity may cause another national disaster.

 

 

 

 

Shenali D Waduge